Saturday, March 28, 2009

So much Canada cared about Human Rights !

Nation of lost souls
TONY BOCK/TORONTO STAR
Marcia Martel calms herself as she tells her story to the Star in Timmins.
March 16, 2009

NATIONAL AFFAIRS WRITER

TIMMINS – The last time Marcia Martel saw her mother at home, it was late summer and she was a chubby little Indian kid of 4. She doesn't remember much because she was crying and clutching the tall grass as strange people pulled her away. She was scared of the police and didn't understand why she was being taken from Beaverhouse First Nation on Lake Misema in northeastern Ontario.

Forced into a waiting boat, she sat down. She'd been taught "little children rules" for the water. She fixed her gaze on her mother standing alone against the house until the image was only a speck and then, nothing.

She couldn't stop crying. She felt so worthless, she says, "I knew God Himself didn't want me."

Martel, now 45, is part of a multi-million-dollar class-action lawsuit filed recently in Ontario Superior Court against the Attorney General of Canada over the treatment of thousands of aboriginal children from 1965 to 1985. The claim alleges the federal government – with constitutional responsibility for aboriginal people, principally through Indian and Northern Affairs Canada– committed "cultural genocide" by delegating child welfare services to Ontario. As a result, it says, children (there are no precise numbers) were stripped of their aboriginal identity by being placed in non-native foster/adoptive homes.

A Justice Canada official referred questions to Indian and Northern Affairs, while an Indian Affairs spokesperson said officials are conducting "preliminary research" for a statement of defence. Meetings with a class-action judge are expected as early as next month.

Martel lived in foster homes until being adopted at 9. She thought her family didn't want her. In an exclusive interview with the Toronto Star, she said of her childhood, "I felt like an (abandoned) puppy."

She battled thoughts of suicide. She says her adoptive mother told her to eat off the floor like the "savage" she was and rubbed her raw to wash off her "dirty" brown colour.

Most Canadians think children are no longer being forcibly taken from aboriginal communities. They've heard about the "kill the Indian in the child" regime over the 150 years children were carted off to residential schools under the auspices of Canadian churches. That sordid story of abuse of tens of thousands of children has come to public attention through a $2 billion class-action settlement, a parliamentary apology to survivors by Prime Minister Stephen Harper and the creation of the Indian Residential Schools Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

But it's not over, far from it.

The removal of aboriginal children from their communities dragged on with the "Sixties Scoop" described in Martel's lawsuit and named for the practice of taking newborns from their mothers on B.C. reserves. It continues today.

Federal Auditor General Sheila Fraser reported in 2008 that 8,300 First Nations children, ordinarily resident on reserves, were in care nationally at the end of March 2007. That's more than five per cent of all kids living on reserves and eight times the proportion of children in the general population.

Fraser's report chastises Indian Affairs for, among other shortcomings, failing to monitor the "cultural appropriateness" of child care services for aboriginal children.

"We are still struggling with (child welfare) workers who come into our communities and take our children without consultation," says Arthur Moore, chief of the Constance Lake First Nation, himself a church school survivor. "They have too much power and think we're not capable of looking after our own children."

Adds Chief Keeter Corston, of the Chapleau Cree First Nation: "Marcia's story isn't an isolated incident. They didn't think of her as a person. It's genocide in terms of breaking down a people morally and hoping they will just disappear."

IT'S A LATE winter morning and we're gathered in a Timmins conference room, chiefs, welfare workers and educators, to hear Martel recount her experiences to the Star. Regional aboriginal child services are based in this town, about 800 kilometres north of Toronto, and many of the 49 chiefs from Treaty 9 lands are here for a conference.

Martel, born Sally Susan Mathias, has a strong face, with high cheekbones, an aquiline nose and shiny black hair cut in choppy layers. She places sacred symbols on a table before her – eagle feathers, pouches of tobacco and herbs, a turtle rattle, rocks and carvings. She occasionally flashes an infectious grin. Mostly though, she fights back tears, her lips pursed and eyes squeezed shut behind wire-rimmed glasses.

She massages her temples or the bridge of her nose, pausing often. Elizabeth Babin, education director for Wahgoshig First Nation, fans her with an eagle feather to calm her; the air smells of burning sage, tobacco and cedar.

Martel speaks slowly in a flat monotone, as if describing a trip to the grocery store.

She wasn't alone in the boat that day. Authorities also took her sister, Doris Lynn, about 6, keeping them together until Marcia went to another foster home. She wrongly believed her sister wanted her gone. (Five other siblings were left with their family in Beaverhouse.)

Martel thought her mother didn't want her either, discovering only years later it wasn't true. She describes a happy early childhood and never found out why she was taken. But her mother, when in her late 70s, said she was afraid if she had fought for her children, police would have shot her dead.

"That's a normal reaction. Indian people are trained to listen to authority," says Corston. "You're not a real person and only a real person can question authority."

Always, Martel wanted to go home. Instead, she bounced around foster homes suffering, she alleges, physical and emotional abuse. She once ran away and told her story to a police officer but he apparently replied: "Aw, it can't be that bad."

By 9 when she was adopted, she'd lost her Algonquin language and felt she belonged nowhere. Suicide wasn't an option because: "God doesn't like it if you kill yourself."

She liked school but later saw a children's aid file describing her as "slow" and not likely to progress beyond the mental capacity of a 10-year-old. Authorities apparently told her family she was mentally handicapped.

Over her protests, an Ontario family with four children adopted her. She says her adoptive father was kindly, if distant. When he died some 15 years ago, he left her a small inheritance. Her adoptive mother, she claims, was cruel.

Martel had been carting around a beloved stuffed tiger. One day, her adoptive mother told her to bring Tigger outside, where she'd lit a bonfire. The woman apparently claimed Tigger was full of bugs – Indian bugs – and made her thrown him into the fire. She says she was forced to watch him burn.

"Your people loved you but they didn't know how to look after you," the woman apparently said, as she incessantly went about her nightly scrubbings. In her adoptive father's absence, Martel alleges: "I got beat until I was black and blue with everything – spoons, hangers, the vacuum cleaner tubing. ... But she never touched my face."

When the couple divorced, she stayed with her adoptive father. Then, the worst. "Okay, um ... I would have been in Grade 9, I think ... I was 16 and, uh ... I got pregnant" by an unnamed boy. Martel went to live with her adoptive mother in Los Angeles, then moved with her to Texas. The woman wanted to keep the baby.

"I would not allow that. I knew enough about human beings that if you know bad stuff is happening and you're not able to protect yourself, there's no possible way you can protect a baby," says Martel. " So, I, uh ... it was probably one of the hardest things I've ever done ... I gave him up."

Pause. She's sobbing quietly. "He was a beautiful boy." A nurse let her hold him briefly after birth and, "I never saw him after that."

She has one photo. "Nobody in my family ever saw him ... not even my Granny and my Granny loved me."

A few months later, her adoptive mother took her to the Houston airport, handed her a ticket to North Bay, Ont., and put her on a plane. She was 17. All she had was the suitcase she'd arrived with at age 9, filled with little girl's clothes.

An older sister met her in North Bay. Martel doesn't know how her adoptive mother found her sister Nancy; by then, they were alienated and she's forever lost other precious family connections. She tried to regain her Indian status but was told Sally Susan Mathias was deceased. She eventually won it back.

TORONTO lawyer Jeffery Wilson, who's handling the case with colleague Morris Cooper, stresses only Ottawa is named in the lawsuit, even though provincial Children's Aid Society (CAS) agencies were the ones removing aboriginal children from their communities and placing them in care. They did so under the 1965 Canada-Ontario Welfare Agreement.

Provincial legislation in 1985 recognized all services to Indian and native people should be provided "in a manner that recognizes their culture, heritage and traditions and the concept of the extended family."

However, Wilson argues: "That change (in provincial law) doesn't correct what happened before. ... It's shameful. You think you can raise a child and that it's in the best interest of the child to dispense with that child's culture?"

He argues the federal government was "improper and unlawful" in handing responsibility for child services to Ontario in the first place, thereby ignoring its duty to act in the best interest of Indian children "who are particularly vulnerable."

There's a buzz around the lawsuit. Aboriginal leaders see it as potentially precedent-setting and a step toward their goal of ensuring autonomous child care services. Aboriginal child and family services already exist. But many argue the province routinely big-foots them.

Vicky Hardisty, executive director of Kunuwanimano Child and Family Services, based in Timmins, argues all too often the province takes aboriginal children independently, without consulting community leaders. It's such a mess in the north, five Treaty 9 chiefs have banned provincial child welfare officers from their reserves.

Anne Machowski-Smith, spokesperson for Ontario children and youth services, says the law requires local CAS agencies to consult with bands or native communities in the apprehension and placement of aboriginal children. She adds: "We believe that, wherever possible, aboriginal children in need of protection, should be cared for in ways that recognize their culture and traditions."

Hardisty counters: "They always say that and we always tell them it's not happening. We ask them to provide us with proof of this compliance, but they don't. ... There's a huge disconnect."

For many aboriginal families, the lawsuit represents closure.

Once news of Star interest circulated, my phone began to ring with calls for help. Aboriginal adults in their 40s, 50s and older describe a nation of lost souls – Ontario's own "disappeared" – as they search for brothers, sisters and children who vanished into provincial care.

"Can you help me?" asks James Wesley, over a scratchy line from the northern Mountbatten First Nation. One of four kids who were split up, he's still looking for sister, Emma Lulu, and brother, Raymond Randy. "They kept moving me from home to home. ... I pretty much got lost myself."

Nobody places all the blame on Ontario's child welfare system or suggests children should never be removed from parents. Robert Commanda, 49, a plaintiff in the class-action suit living in Peterborough, says CAS officials took him after his mother ran off and left her five little boys alone. The oldest was 5 and kept his siblings, including Robert, 2, alive on chips and pop.

"She left us to die," says Commanda. "I sort of haven't come to terms with that. ... I'm a mess but I'm working on it. I just don't feel I belong anywhere."

The issue, rather, is about ensuring children in foster and adoptive homes don't lose their identity. Aboriginal leaders don't maintain all non-aboriginal families involved are terrible people. But they are fiercely adamant children receive "culturally appropriate" services and argue communities themselves, with their extended families, can best care for children.

MUCH TO her surprise, Martel found an inner strength. It nurtured her through childhood and, in her 20s, periods of homelessness. She says she never drank or took drugs and when, at age 28, her son, now 17, was born, "I realized survival wasn't good enough. My life had to be about happiness too."

She lays two photos on the table. In one, she's a glowing bride in beaded deerskin, shown almost two years ago on a sacred rock near Beaverhouse after she married Raymond Martel. The couple – he a simultaneous translator, she a social worker – live near Kirkland Lake.

In another photo some 40 years earlier at the same site, a plump little girl with glossy hair holds tightly to her pet black cat. It's Sally Susan at 3 with big sister, Doris Lynn. She's smiling with a child's confidence life will be wonderful.

In a roundabout way, that's how it turned out. The Star's Tony Bock photographed Martel against a snowy northern landscape. She's cuddling another pet black cat and looks, well, happy.

She is, she says. Sally Susan Mathias has come home. And the best part? She believes the lawsuit at last shows her meaning in all those rough times.

So Much the "Chosen People" cared about Human Rights !

US Jewish leaders call for boycott of Beijing Olympics

Group of 175 prominent Jewish leaders in US sign petition urging Jews to boycott Olympic Games, citing China's human rights violations, ties with Iran and Syria
Associated Press

A wide-ranging group of US Jewish leaders plans to release a statement Wednesday urging Jews worldwide to boycott the Summer Olympics in Beijing, citing China's troubling record on human rights and Tibet.


The statement also notes China's close relationships with Iran, Syria and the militant group Hamas.

So far, 175 rabbis, seminary officials and other prominent Jews have signed the declaration, which comes shortly before Holocaust Remembrance Day on Friday, organizers said.

"We are deeply troubled by China's support for the genocidal government of Sudan; its mistreatment of the people of Tibet; its denial of basic rights to its own citizens; and its provision of missiles to Iran and Syria, and friendship for Hamas," the statement reads.

"Having endured the bitter experience of abandonment by our presumed allies during the Holocaust, we feel a particular obligation to speak out against injustice and persecution today."

Awkward issue for Israel

Rabbi Yitz Greenberg, past chairman of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council, said signers are not alleging that the Chinese government is the equivalent of the Nazi regime, but that China, like Germany in 1936, is trying to use the Olympics as a public relations tool to deflect attention from its record.

The declaration was organized by Greenberg and Rabbi Haskel Lookstein of New York — both Orthodox Jews — and the Washington-based David S. Wyman Institute for Holocaust Studies.

Several representatives of Judaism's major US branches and large Jewish institutions signed on. They include Rabbi Eric Yoffie, president of the Union for Reform Judaism; Neil Goldstein and Richard Gordon of the American Jewish Congress; and Rabbi Joel Meyers, executive vice president of the Rabbinical Assembly, an association of Conservative rabbis.

The statement seizes on Olympic organizers' plans for a kosher kitchen at the Olympic Village, where athletes stay. Greenberg characterized the move as an attempt to lure Jewish tourists by presenting an image of sensitivity.

"I would say in principle, athletes and tourists and governments should all draw the same conclusion to this," Greenberg said. "Unless the Chinese make some significant corrections, they should not participate."


Meyers said he hopes the declaration is interpreted as a call for Israel and Jewish athletes worldwide to boycott the games, although he doubts such a boycott will come to pass.

"It would be good if that happened," Meyers said. "(But) I know Israel has political ties to China, and does business with China. It presents a somewhat awkward issue for Israel."

http://www.ynet.co.il/english/Ext/Comp/ArticleLayout/CdaArticlePrintPreview/1,2506,L-3537713,00.html

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Steven Spielberg to Hu Jintao on Darfur, Nov. 2007

On Dec. 13, 2007, Steven Spielberg released the text of a second letter to the President of China, Hu Jintao, in which he urgently appeals to China to use its influence at this most critical moment to bring an end to the genocide in Darfur. Spielberg is serving as an artistic director for the upcoming Beijing Olympics.

Release Date: 12/13/2007

His Excellency Hu Jintao
President of the People's Republic of China
Zhongnanhai, Xichengqu, Beijing City
People's Republic of China
November 15, 2007

Your Excellency,

It has been several months since I last wrote expressing my concerns about the human tragedy in the Darfur region of Sudan, where more than 200,000 people have died and more than 2.5 million people have been displaced. In the intervening months, I corresponded with Ambassador Zhou Wenzhong, and traveled to New York to meet privately with Special Envoy Liu Guijin. His appointment and China's support of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1769 were hopeful and appreciated signs that China was willing to use its influence to bring an end to the genocide in the region. I, and much of the rest of the world, felt a sense of optimism and hoped it would bring a lasting peace to the region.

Unfortunately, since that time, the situation in Darfur has deteriorated and while China's earlier efforts were encouraging, its silence in the wake of Sudan's recent actions and the resulting chaos on the ground has been disturbing. Sudan is continuing to defy the international community, creating obstacles to the deployment of peacekeepers, increasing violent campaigns against Darfuris and expelling humanitarian officials essential to the very survival of millions of desperate citizens.

This week the United Nations warned that unless Sudan quickly accepts the hybrid peacekeeping force and key countries contribute critical equipment needed for the peacekeeping efforts, the force will not be prepared for deployment in January 2008 - already two long months away. So I write to you now with a renewed sense of urgency in the hope that China will redouble its efforts to pressure Sudan to join in a fair peace agreement and, at last, bring an end to the genocide.

China's economic, military and diplomatic ties to the government of Sudan continue to provide you with the influence and the obligation to press for change. Please urge Sudan to accept - and rapidly facilitate - the United Nations authorized hybrid force and please join with other nations to contribute the much needed helicopters and heavy transport vehicles needed to conduct these peacekeeping missions. Without China's insistence, I fear Sudan will simply "wait out the clock."

I believe the decisive hour for Darfur is now. There must be meaningful and measurable progress on the ground for Darfuris within the next few weeks. The world needs China to lead here. So many lives are at stake.

Most Sincerely,
Steven Spielberg

CC: Ambassador Zhou Wenzhong
Special Envoy Liu Guijin

Contact:
Steven Spielberg's Offices
Andy Spahn, 818-733-7336

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'Israel treated its soldiers as guinea pigs'

Press TV - 2009-03-25


Israel has admitted to developing an anthrax vaccine through a secretresearch project involving tests on unaware army soldiers.

TheIsraeli Defense Ministry revealed on Wednesday that the vaccine wastested on 716 soldiers while they had not been fully informed about thestudy, Ynet reported.

The project, codenamed "Omer 2", washeld during the first part of the 1990s and the subjects were pickedout of a pool of 4,000.

Some of the soldiers, who say that theexperiment has had life-threatening side effects for them, are nowfiling a lawsuit against the Israeli Army, Haaretz reported.

So far, 11 soldiers have sought medical attention due to the side effects sustained as result of the tests.

Israeli Physicians for Human Rights have also filed a lawsuit against the army over the experiments.

Theexperiments were carried out in light of what was then defined as the"strategic threat of a surprise biological attack facing Israel," thereport said.

Meanwhile an official medical committee has published a report, raising doubt over motivations for advancing the experiment.

Thereport which was drafted by a special committee of doctors, a legaladvisor, and a scientist from the Weizmann Institute of Science, wasfinally approved for publication on Wednesday.

The report revealed that even while the experiment was taking place, Israel had already had a stock of anthrax vaccines.

"Anaccelerated effort to produce large quantities of the vaccine wasunderway a year prior to the experiment, and by the time theexperiments were launched, Israel had enough vaccines to cover thecivilian concerns," the report said.

The committee also criticized the "shroud of secrecy" which the experiments' directors implemented.

"Thecommittee was unconvinced that the need for a vaccine was dulyconsidered by decision makers. Also, it is not clear who the decisionmakers were who determined the vaccine's necessity," read the report.

The only official document found by the committee about the experiment was written by the deputy Defense Minister.

So much UK cared about Human Rights --- Son's hunt for father exposes betrayal of war heroes

Son's hunt for father exposes betrayal of war heroes

By Ian Herbert North of England Correspondent

Friday, 1 February 2002


Government documents uncovered during a man's search for his lost father have revealed how thousands of Chinese servicemen who served Britain in the Second World War were forcibly repatriated in a climate of anti-oriental racism.

Government documents uncovered during a man's search for his lost father have revealed how thousands of Chinese servicemen who served Britain in the Second World War were forcibly repatriated in a climate of anti-oriental racism.

At least 2,000 Chinese, whose seafaring excellence was put to use by the wealthy Liverpool shipping lines, were rounded up by police officers between March and July 1946 and sent back to China, never to see their sons and daughters again.

The Chinese were considered "undesirable" and the city authorities were "anxious to secure the housing accommodation" they occupied, accord-ing to the minute of a Home Office meeting of October 1945 to discuss "repatriation of Chinese seamen", 117 of whom had British-born wives.

Perhaps the most remarkable aspect of the policy, which is also exposed in correspondence between the Ministry of Transport and War and the Liverpool Chief Constable, is its omission from historical analysis of the period.

Professor Tony Lee, a Cardiff University historian, said research had "simply focused on the war" and that the new documents were "a surprise". But he said: "It doesn't surprise me that there's very little in the record. British historians have not really been in interested in the history of small ethnic groups."

The story was uncovered by Keith Cocklin, 55, a retired merchant seaman who began investigating the disappearance of his father, Soong Kwai Sing, just before his own birth in May 1946. Mr Cocklin, whose work is featured in a BBC North West documentary entitled Shanghai'd, was told his father had returned voluntarily to support the new People's Republic in China, which was not established until 1949.

His plea for information through a BBC local radio programme elicited the testimony of Steve Crawshaw, a former fitter who built bunks in cargo holds to sleep the returning Chinese. There were also witnesses to police raids in which the Chinese men were rounded up. "We just saw them getting into the trucks. If they ran, they [the police] ran after them," one witness, Larry Kee, said.

Correspondence with Maria Lin Wong, who had investigated her own father's disappearance, helped to lead Mr Cocklin to Public Record Office documents demonstrating the haste with which the policy was initiated after an end to Japanese occupation of China removed a key impediment. The documents record the acceptance by the Transport and War Office, in correspondence with Liverpool's Chief Constable, that the "undesirable" Chinese seamen "try every device to avoid repatriation but once they see that bribery, corruption and solicitors' letters will not avail, they will accept the inevitable".

Professor Lane said anti-Chinese sentimentflared during the war, when Chinese and Indian merchant seamen took strike action in protest over their pay – a third of that offered to British seamen. "This is the classical outrage of the imperial masters at the imperial subordinates daring to stand up for themselves," Professor Lane said. "The Chinese were very proud of their own culture and very aware of the negative stereotypes and quite scandalous attitudes some people had towards the Chinese."

Documents supporting repatriation list details of 1,000 convictions for opium smoking, 50 for gaming offences and countless cases of venereal disease and tuberculosis.

Mr Cocklin, who said his discoveries had made him want to "declassify" himself as a British citizen, knows his father was shipped to Hong Kong, then onwards to Shanghai on 9 March 1946 on the Ajax. His inquiries have failed so far to locate his father, who would now be in his mid-Eighties.

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/this-britain/sons-hunt-for-father-exposes-betrayal-of-war-heroes-672014.html

So Much UK cared about Human Rights --- A helping hand to Hitler

A helping hand to Hitler

Fifty years ago, news of the full horror of the concentration camps began to filter out of Germany as invading troops advanced. Henry Maitles reveals the collaboration of Western governments with the Nazi regime and its attacks on Jews
Sweeping up after the pogroms of Kristallnacht
Sweeping up after the pogroms of Kristallnacht

The Second World War was, we are constantly told, a war for freedom and democracy. The truth is somewhat different. In particular, the attitude of the Western democracies before and during the war to the persecution of Jews that culminated in the Holocaust was racist and defined by self interest. Sections of the British establishment from 1929 onwards saw Nazi Germany as the major danger to British interests worldwide. But before then there was a significant pro-German lobby which saw Hitler and the Nazis as a positive feature.

Why did more Jews not flee from the persecution in Central Europe when they still had the chance? Some historians claim that there were tremendous ties of homeland and family which meant that 'abroad for the great majority of the population was a remote and vague landscape.' But this ignores the experience of Central and Eastern European Jewry in the 20th century, which was one of mass emigration. Some 4 million Jews left Central Europe between 1880 and 1930.

The main reason why Jews did not flee in greater numbers was the attitude of the Western democracies and their immigration controls. The atmosphere of hostility towards Jewish immigration was central to creating a feeling of hopelessness for potential migrants. Britain sent a number of refugees back to Germany where it was Nazi government policy to put returnees in concentration camps. The British government's own figures are quite startling. A total of 484 were sent back in 1933, 378 in 1934, 365 in 1935, 412 in 1936, 438 in 1937, 489 in 1938 and 191 in the first six months of 1939. When a small number of Jews fled by air to Britain after Germany occupied the city of Memel in March 1939, those without the necessary papers were put on the next plane back to Europe.

The signals given out were clearly designed to discourage Jews from fleeing west. The British government wanted to bring to Britain those Jews 'eminent in science, technology, art, music etc' and not 'persons likely to seek employment, agents and middlemen, minor musicians, commercial artists, the rank and file of doctors, lawyers, dentists: The test for admission was 'whether or not the applicant is likely to be an asset to the UK: In July 1939 a foreign office official claimed that 'a great many...are not in any sense political refugees... Many are quite unsuitable as emigrants and would be a very difficult problem if brought here.'

British policy dovetailed nicely with some of the extremist statements in the House of Commons by the strident anti-immigration lobby. As early as March 1933 there was a Commons debate on Jewish immigration. Conservative MP Edward Doran asked the prime minister if he would be taking any extra measures to prevent alien Jews from Germany entering Britain. Doran claimed that:

    'Hundreds of thousands of Jews are now leaving Germany and scurrying from there to this country when other countries are closed to them... May I ask whether it is the declared policy of this country to allow aliens to come in from every country in the world while we have 3 million unemployed. If you are asking for a Hitler in this country you will soon get him.'

Doran returned to this theme a month later. He asked whether the home secretary was aware that 'this invasion of undesirable aliens is causing resentment and grave concern in this country, and can he see his way to give them notice to quit before serious trouble develops?' In May 1935 Lord Winterton said there were certain 'vocal and influential sections of opinion in this country, such as trade unions, Jewish organisations and the Labour Party' which kept criticising Hitler and the Nazis, despite the fact that he believed the German people were going from strength to strength.

There was pro-Nazi, anti-Semitic and antiimmigration sentiment among many of the British establishment. Admiral Sir Barry Domville was very sympathetic to Hitler. In 1935 he wrote:

    'I am very far from adopting the sloppy sentimental attitude towards the Jewish race which is so popular in this country. Because we ourselves are tolerant of the aliens and Jews in our midst to the point of stupidity, that is no reason for being intolerant with the policy of others: Jewish ways are not our ways.'

One of Stanley Baldwin's advisers, Thomas Jones, was of the opinion that the British ambassador to Germany, Sir Eric Phillips, should be replaced by a man able, 'to enter with sympathetic interest into Hitler's aspirations'. Possibly his advice was taken when Neville Henderson was appointed ambassador to Germany in May 1937. He wrote in the Times that, 'far too many people have an erroneous conception of what the National Socialist regime really stands for. Otherwise they would lay less stress on Nazi dictatorship and much more emphasis on the great social experiment which is being tried out.'

Lord Halifax visited Hitler on behalf of the British government in November 1937 and told him that there were certain people in Britain, such as the Church and the Labour Party, who criticised the Nazis, but they 'were not fully informed', and that Hitler had performed, 'great services...by preventing the entry of communism' into Germany, thus barring, 'its passage further west.'

The author of a book titled I Know These Dictators called for more understanding of Hitler who he claimed had a 'human, pleasant personality... Fondness for children and dogs is regarded by many as evidence of good nature. This is a strong trait in Hitler's character.'

The British government could not publicly endorse these views but privately did all it could to ensure that not too many Jews were encouraged to leave central Europe.

Jewish refugees looking for a safe haven
Jewish refugees looking for a safe haven

Western governments used the Evian Conference of 1938 to send an unmistakable message to Eastern European governments and the Jewish populations that Jewish immigrants and refugees would not be accepted by Britain, France or the US. The British delegation to Evian was told that it would be 'desirable that the results of the meeting should not act as an incentive to these [Central and Eastern European] governments to increase the pressure on their Jewish minorities.' There was to be no welcome for refugees. The Australian delegate, TW White, stated that, 'as we have no racial problem, we are not desirous of importing one.'

Britain was not alone in this policy. For the US, with the added barrier of the Atlantic Ocean, tight immigration policy between 1932 and 1938 led to a net outflow in migration. Immigration statistics reveal a dramatic change in policy in the 1930s. Between 1820 and 1933 more than 37 million immigrants entered the US. From 1933 to 1943 only 341,567 citizens (Jewish and non-Jewish) from Germany and its allies were permitted to enter.

The Jewish vote had switched dramatically to the Democratic Party from 1928 onwards and by the mid-1930s the bulk of America's 4,770,000 Jews were loyal to Roosevelt and the New Deal. During the Depression the Roosevelt administration steered a course between strong restrictions on refugees and liberalism. This might be strong on rhetoric yet it offered little in real help. A bill which would have eased the harsh immigration laws by allowing in an extra 20,000 German-Jewish children failed in Congress in 1939. Less than 500 German Jewish children were allowed in to the US between 1938 and 1939.

France was the obvious haven for refugees before the war. But during 1938 the French government passed a series of laws imposing harsh restrictions on immigrant entry. Following the Kristallnacht pogroms of November 1938 in Germany the French border police sent back escaping Jews to a destination of concentration camps in Germany. France was the only major Western government not to publicly criticise Germany for the pogroms. When Von Ribbentrop, Hitler's foreign minister, visited Paris in 1938, two Jewish ministers were not invited to the state banquet, presumably in case they were an embarrasment to this leading Nazi.

It is easier now to see why more Jews did not flee westwards--there was no country willing to take them. Finland, for example, introduced stringent controls after the Evian Conference, refusing transit to Austrian Jews with the necessary papers for US immigration and ordering the ship back to Germany. Three refugees committed suicide by throwing themselves overboard rather than return to the waiting arms of fascism.

Even during the war the attitude of hostility to Jewish refugees was evident. In 1943 there was a proposal from Sweden that, if Britain and the US were willing to pay the costs and agree to looking after them after the war, there was the possibility of 20,000 Jewish children being released from Central Europe to Sweden. Private money was available but the State Department in the US was not enthusiastic. One official noted that, 'any rescue concentrating on Jewish children might antagonise the Nazis and prevent other possible cooperative acts.' The US did not want to antagonise the Nazis in the middle of the war! The proposal was dropped.

As the war went on and the Holocaust intensified, the Western Allies refused repeated requests to bomb either the crematoria in the death camps or the railway tracks leading to the camps. For the ruling classes of the Western democracies dead Jews were better anti-German propaganda than live ones.

http://pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk/sr182/maitles.htm


So Much Norway cared about Human Rights - Norway expeled China Firm because the firm sell arms supplies to military-ruled Burma.

Norway set up rules in 2004 to ensure the fund doesn’t invest in companies involved in human rights abuses, environmental damage, or the production of some weapons.
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Norway Oil Fund Expels China Firm

13 March 2009

Norway has barred its oil fund from investing in China's Dongfeng Motor Group because the firm sell arms supplies to military-ruled Burma.

Norway's finance ministry says the Chinese company sells military trucks to Burma.

Finance Minster Kristin Halvorsen said Friday Norway cannot finance companies that support the military dictatorship in Burma through military sales.

Norway's oil fund, officially called the Government Pension Fund-Global, invests the country's oil and gas wealth in foreign stocks and bonds. The fund is meant to save money for the future when Norway's oil supply runs dry.

The fund is currently worth around $300 billion. Norway is a major exporter of oil and natural gas.

Some information for this report was provided by Bloomberg, AP and Reuters.


挪威禁主权基金投资中国公司

Mar 13, 2009

挪威禁止其主权石油基金对中国的东风汽车集团公司进行投资,原因是该公司为军人统治的缅甸提供武器。挪威财政大臣哈尔沃森说,东风集团向缅甸出售了军用卡车。哈尔沃森星期五表示,挪威不能向以军售支持缅甸军人独裁统治的公司提供资金。

挪威石油基金的官方名称是“政府环球养老基金”,该基金负责把挪威的石油和天然气收入投资于外国股票和证券市场,以保证未来挪威石油资源枯竭后国家依然有储备资金。目前该基金有大约3000亿美元。挪威是世界石油和天然气出口大国。



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INFLAMED: A Muslim woman in Oslo burned a hijab on International Women's Day to protest the garment's symbolism.
AFP/Newscom/FILE


AFP/Newscom/FILE


Hijab debate lifts veil on limits of Norway's tolerance

A Muslim woman's request to wear a hijab with her police uniform has sparked national controversy.





http://www.csmonitor.com/2009/0320/p07s03-wogn.html

Norway's biggest headache right now is not the financial crisis. Rather, the predominantly Christian nation is plagued by a religious dilemma over the right of a Muslim woman to wear a hijab as part of her police uniform.

As the controversy has escalated, the country has seen the physical collapse of the justice minister, the public burning of a hijab, and a substantial rise in the popularity of Norway's anti-immigrant opposition party just six months before general elections.

This is odd for a country known for religious tolerance, generous international development aid, and peace efforts worldwide. But the controversy highlights the latent fears of a nonpluralistic society, where 91 percent belong to the Evangelical-Lutheran Church of Norway.

The dilemma began last fall when a Norwegian Muslim woman petitioned for permission to wear her hijab, the traditional head covering for Muslim women, as part of her police uniform. Norway's justice ministry originally decided in February to allow it, but revoked the permission a few weeks later after loud criticism from the police union, which argued it breached the neutrality of the uniform.

"A change of uniform regulations, with an allowance for covering hair, has never been a goal in itself. It has always been thought of as a possible means to increase the recruitment of police from minority groups in society," said Justice Minister Knut Storberget, in defense of his decision to revoke the initial permission.

Amid the heightened media attention and political backlash from his flip-flopping, the minister collapsed and subsequently announced a two-week sick leave, which was then extended.

The hijab debacle comes on the back of the minister's other religious-related political defeat over a now-defunct blasphemy law. Mr. Storberget initially tried to replace the law with a new paragraph that would have protected individuals from defamatory religious statements. But after much political opposition, the law was repealed and no paragraph introduced.

This has provided political fodder for the opposition Progress Party, which has stoked fears among Norwegians over "sneak Islamization." Progress Party leader Siv Jensen spoke out strongly at the party's national meeting last month against granting special permission for special groups. She pointed specifically to the case of a largely Muslim neighborhood in Malmö, which she claimed had been partly overrun by Islamic law.

A March poll by Norstat for Norway's national broadcasting station NRK showed that Progress Party soared 8.5 percentage points to 30.1 percent in the polls from a month earlier. Three government coalition partners, Labor, Socialist Left, and Center Party, all lost ground.

The center-left coalition holds 87 out of 169 parliamentary seats, while the Progress party holds 38 seats, the second largest after Labor. A continuing shift to the right could pose a threat to reelection chances in September for Jens Stoltenberg, Norway's Labor prime minister.

"If they continue to spin these irrational fears, I'm afraid it could lead to a lot of commotion," said Thorbjørn Jagland, Norway's parliamentary leader and former Labor prime minister, during a highly-attended religious debate in Oslo this week.

Some 500 people lined up around the block to hear Mr. Jagland, religious professor Torkel Brekke, the bishop of the Church of Norway, and leader of Norway's Muslim Student Society discuss why religion is suddenly a hot topic.

The panelists discussed the recent media focus surrounding the hijab debate and blasphemy paragraph, the provocation caused by the burning of a hijab on International Women's Day on March 8 by a Norwegian Muslim woman in protest of the garment, and fears among "religious nationalists" and "secular intellectuals" toward Norway's Muslim minority.

"We could very well live with the mosques because they stayed in them. But when this began to affect our cultural values, then it became a conflict, and then it became politicized," Jagland told the crowd. "But Islam is not a threat to Norway."

"I don't see Norway as a tolerant society at all, partly based on these debates and how they react to people coming to Norway," said Professor Brekke, from the University of Oslo. "It's tolerant in that you can practice any religion, but you have large sections of Norwegian society that react strongly to alien cultures."

Immigrants make up 9.7 percent of Norway's 4.8 million inhabitants. Norway has granted permission to about one-fourth of the 328,000 immigrants who arrived from non-Nordic countries between 1990 and 2007 to stay as refugees. The largest immigrant population is Polish, who are traditionally Catholic, followed by Pakistani. Islam accounts for 20 percent of the 9 percent of the population belonging to religious communities outside the Church of Norway.

Sweden has a more liberal policy in accepting refugees than Norway and allows hijabs in its police uniform, as does Britain. France has banned the use of hijabs and other ostensible religious items in its state schools since 2004.

The religious debate has overshadowed the economic one in Norway, which has been relatively shielded from the financial crisis thanks to its vast petroleum resources as the world's third largest gas exporter.

Norway has a large budget surplus to help fund its financial stimulus packages and relatively mild unemployment – 3 percent, compared to 8.1 percent in the US. Moreover, it has invested its oil revenues in a $329 billion Government Pension Fund.





盖头引起的挪威人情绪紧张

(编译者按语:本文译自2009年3月20日美国《基督教科学箴言报》专题报道,标题是“盖头的辩论揭开了挪威宽容 的极限”Hijab Debate Lifts Veil on Limits of Norway‘s Tolerance。 专题作者是瓦勒利亚·克雷斯科因。 全文很长,以下是节译。)

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奥斯陆消息:位于北欧的挪威,今日所担忧的问题不是席卷全球的金融危机,而是穆斯林妇女的盖头。这个以基督教为主流传统文化的国家,在讨论是否允许女警察制服戴盖头时,触动了挪威人对外来信仰容忍的极限。

在面临全国大选之前的六个月里,关于穆斯林妇女戴盖头问题不同派别的辩论不断升温,冲击加剧,出现了许多前所未闻的事件,例如司法部长累垮了身体﹑游行示 威的群众燃烧盖头表示愤怒﹑坚持反移民的在野党支持率直线上升。这些都是不同寻常的怪异现象,因为挪威人一直在外人印象中是最温和好客的民族,容忍国内出 现的各种宗教﹑对国际援助一向慷慨大方,在全世界致力于和平运动。在历史上,挪威人是一个信仰单一的民族,至今有91%的人口信奉路德宗的福音派基督教, 有挪威基督教的地方特色。

这场辩论是从去年秋季开始的,当时有一名穆斯林女警察向法庭提倡控诉,要求获得戴盖头值勤的法律权利。大法官在今年二月开庭时宣布判决,根据挪威宗教信仰 自由的原则,对穆斯林女警察的要求给予准许。 这个事件在几个星期之后爆发成全国大辩论,批评者们坚持说,警察属于公教职务,服饰应当表现中立,不应当表现个人信仰特色。司法部长克努特·斯托伯盖特在 袒护大法官判决中说:“警察制服稍有变通,允许增加一片头巾,不是改变警察体制。他说,这只不过是表现挪威政策的宽容,可以吸引更多的少数民族加入公共服 务系统。”在他的表态之后,社会反对势力加大了攻势,司法部长难以承受沉重的社会压力,积劳成疾,请病假两个星期,但根据医嘱,病假还将延续。司法部长原 有计划通过一项反宗教亵渎法,在这个民族主义膨涨的时机,他的提案遭到否决。后来他又设法在原有宗教信仰自由原则的基础上,增加一个附件说明,防止个别人 对不同信仰的公民有侮辱性的行为,再次遭到失败。

在全国形成大辩论的形势下,代表反对政治势力的进步党连连在国会辩论中获胜,支持率直线上升,进步党在各种宣传中向民众暗示,联合起来抵制“伊斯兰化的潜 入”挪威。进步党领袖丝福·杰森女士上月在国会做了慷慨激昂的发言,反对助长挪威穆斯林居民的社会影响。她举例说,在马尔默市是穆斯林居民最集中的城市, 那里进行伊斯兰化改造,开始实行伊斯兰法制,挪威的传统文化受到排挤。进步党利用排外情绪获得更多的支持,在今年九月的大选中有可能获胜,争取到国会中的 多数席位,取代执政的工党。在公共媒体上,已举行多场公开大辩论,许多宗教学者﹑教堂牧师和清真寺伊玛目应邀出席发表观点。 曾经担任工党前总理的现任国会议长索布吉恩·贾格兰说:“如此利用非正常的手段煽情,假如继续下去,我担心,我们的国民将变得更加激烈的情绪化,失去正常 的理智。”

奥斯陆大学的宗教学教授布赖克说:“法律上的定义承认各种信仰自由,但是挪威是一个传统的基督教文化国家,从感情上难以容忍外来宗教的迅速发展。”他说, 挪威人对穆斯林集中在清真寺中祈祷和礼拜,不表示反对,而他们走上街头表现信仰的文化,多数挪威人感受到是一种文化侵略,难以忍受,例如穆斯林妇女在三八 妇女节头戴盖头游行。穆斯林女警察戴盖头值勤,已在许多欧洲国家成为合法行为,如瑞典和英国,并没有出现什么冲突,而法国通过限制盖头的法律,激情穆斯林 广泛不满,他们说法国破坏了民主自由,压迫少数民族。他说:“这些辩论,暴露了挪威的宗教信仰自由不真实,是虚假的宽容,实际上,并不存在伊斯兰对挪威社 会的任何威胁。”